Demand Donald Trump NOT sabotage ObamaCare

Demand Donald Trump NOT sabotage ObamaCare >>

Connie — Republicans FAILED to pass TrumpCare.

So Trump wants to “let ObamaCare fail” by withholding insurance subsidy payments. This would sabotage our entire healthcare system! 

Connie, we need 1O,OOO Democrats to DEMAND Trump not sabotage our health care >>

SIGN IMMEDIATELY >>

Donald Trump’s actions on health care have been outrageous:

— FIRST: He demanded the House pass a ruthless bill that would leave 23 million people without insurance.

— THEN: He demanded a vote on TrumpCare in the Senate and FAILED!

— BUT NOW: He’s threatening to hold critical payments to health care providers to FORCE ObamaCare to implode!!

This would be devastating to MILLIONS of working families, Connie.

So Dr. Ruiz is taking a stand against Donald Trump’s awful health care agenda:

'The administration must stop actively undermining our health care system for political gain.' - Dr. Raul Ruiz | STAND WITH DR. RUIZ AND DEMAND TRUMP PROTECT OUR HEALTH CARE

Connie, Republicans are hell-bent on destroying ObamaCare no matter what the cost is.

And if Trump doesn’t fund these cost-sharing payments to providers: premiums will SKYROCKET, patient co-pays will rise, and our national debt will balloon.

If we’re going to save our healthcare system, we must DEMAND that Trump fulfill these payment — or else MILLIONS of working families will be left hanging.

Can you join Dr. Ruiz in DEMANDING Trump not destroy our healthcare system??

CONNIE DELLO+BUONO: DEMAND TRUMP NOT DESTROY OUR HEALTH CARE >>

Trump wants to see ObamaCare fail so that he can score political points with his extreme base. He doesn’t care how many families he hurts!!

We’ve got to DEMAND that Trump do the right thing, Connie. Otherwise, he’ll let ObamaCare collapse.

Please add your name and demand Trump NOT sabotage our health care:

http://act.drraulruiz.com/Protect-Our-Healthcare

Our healthcare system depends on this, Connie.

-DrRaulRuiz.com

 

4.3-8.3% increase in rates from Obamacare in California next year

Californians who buy their health insurance through the state’s exchange will have more sticker shock next year when their rates increase by an average 12.5 percent statewide.

But consumers in most Bay Area counties will see much smaller increases — from an average 4.3 percent to 8.3 percent — according to data released Tuesday by Covered California, the state-run “Obamacare” exchange that allows individuals and small businesses to purchase health insurance at federally subsidized rates.

What’s more, said exchange CEO Peter Lee, rates across the state would have dropped about another 3 percent if the 11 insurers offering plans on the exchange weren’t so worried about the Trump administration’s potential to undermine the Affordable Care Act.

“We were hopeful that this year we would be back to normal,” Lee told reporters during a Tuesday morning press call. But “uncertainty in Washington is affecting consumers today.”

Lee also noted that while all plans on the exchange will return to the market in 2018,  Anthem Blue Cross of California will no longer sell plans in many areas of the state — except for Santa Clara County, the Central Valley and certain Northern California counties.

Insurers’ worries come even as the latest attempt by congressional Republicans to repeal and replace Obamacare failed Friday when the U.S. Senate couldn’t pass a so-called “skinny repeal” plan.

But on Tuesday, Lee said Trump could still weaken Obamacare marketplaces across the country. The president could stop enforcing the individual mandate that requires everyone to purchase insurance; refuse to publicize the sign-up period to buy insurance through health care exchanges, and cut billions in certain subsidies for low-income Obamacare enrollees.

For now, the highest average rate hike in the greater Bay Area of 12.5 percent continues to hit consumers along the Central Coast — Santa Cruz, Monterey and San Benito counties.

Santa Clara County will see an average rate hike of 10.4 percent, followed by Alameda County at 8.3 percent and Contra Costa County at 8.2 percent.

Average increases for Marin, Napa, Solano and Sonoma counties will be 7.4 percent, followed by San Francisco County at 6.6 percent and San Mateo County at 4.3 percent.

By comparison, the average statewide rate in 2017 shot up by 13.2 percent, mostly because two federal programs created to cushion insurers from losing money on policies under the Affordable Care Act expired this year.

Jonathan Greer, an Oakland-based independent health insurance broker, agreed doubts surrounding what Trump might do are a huge factor in rate hikes.

“Make no mistake: Insurance companies are cutting back their coverage areas and raising rates so much in response to the uncertainty coming out of Washington,” said Greer.

Others seemed more resigned to Tuesday’s news.

“I actually kind of expected this,” said San Jose resident Brian Carter, who buys an unsubsidized Kaiser plan for his family through the exchange and is preparing for an average rate increase of 10.4 percent.

“You don’t like to see your rates go up, but with the uncertainty going on, insurance companies have to make money somewhere, and ratepayers are the ones who have to pay for it,” said the 55-year-old, who formerly worked in tech sales and marketing.

Greer also was alarmed by Anthem’s retreat from all but three regions around the state. Even though every region of Northern California will have at least two carriers offering coverage, he said losing Anthem around most of the Bay Area is “a big blow.”

Lee said 153,000 people currently enrolled in Anthem plans will need to select a new plan for 2018. The CEO tried to soften the impact by saying that 84 percent of doctors who contract with Anthem are available in other health plans offered through the exchange.

Still, the Affordable Care Act’s generous subsidies should help lessen the pain for most Covered California’s 1.4 million enrollees, who earn between 139 percent and 400 percent of the federal poverty level.

Anyone who earns between 139 percent and 250 percent of the poverty threshold — between $34,200 and $61,500 for a family of four — also is eligible for additional reductions, which lower out-of-pocket costs such as co-pays and deductibles.

About 7 million Americans, including roughly 650,000 Californians, receive those extra subsidies. And the federal government reimburses insurers on the exchanges about $7 billion to reduce the cost of the co-pays and deductibles for those low-income people.

Ending those subsidies would send many premiums soaring because health insurers would have to pick up those costs themselves, and many companies would also likely flee the markets, experts say.

Covered California continues to seek clarification from the Trump administration about its intentions regarding the cost-sharing payments. But Lee said if the exchange doesn’t receive confirmation by the end of the month that the payments will continue, an additional average 12.4 percent surcharge will be attached to plans when enrollment opens Nov. 1.


 

AVERAGE PROPOSED RATES INCREASES FOR 2018

San Benito, Santa Cruz and Monterey counties: 12.5 percent

Santa Clara County: 10.4 percent

Alameda County: 8.3 percent

Contra Costa County: 8.2 percent

Marin, Napa, Solano and Sonoma counties: 7.4 percent

San Francisco County: 6.6 percent

San Mateo County: 4.3 percent

Source: Covered California

Historic moment in the U.S. Senate , Senator Chris Murphy

Last night was an historic moment in the U.S. Senate. One that wouldn’t have been possible without so many of your calls, emails, protests and dogged determination. Like I do sometimes, I sat down last night at 2:30 am to write down what really happened, and take you behind the scenes of the health care debate. It’s a long one (these usually are) but I hope you’ll take some time to read it today and know that none of this would have been possible without you.

All my best,

Chris Murphy


Some days, over the last few months, I wished I wasn’t so emotionally invested in this fight. My moods see-sawed, the knots in my stomach came and went, my nerves frayed. Health care, whether I like it or not, is at the foundation of my public service. I arrived in Hartford, as a 25-year-old naïve state legislator who believed in universal health care. I rose to become the 29-year-old Chairman of the legislature’s Health Committee. I served on the committee in the U.S. House that wrote the Affordable Care Act. I defended it back home in endless town halls. I got elected to the Senate, and when no one wanted to stand up for the ACA in its early days, I took up the cause, going to the Senate floor nearly every week to extol its virtues.

It’s my passion because I have seen what the lack of health care means to people in my state, in my town, and in my neighborhood. I see the pain in a mother’s eyes when she can’t afford glasses for her daughter who can’t see. I listen to the anguish of families that go bankrupt because their insurance won’t cover their son’s cancer. I listen to doctors who are feeling overwhelmed by a system that rewards the volume, not the quality, of medicine practiced.

I’ve lived every high and every low of this debate, because it matters so much to the people I serve, and because it’s been the focus of so much of my career. And so yesterday – it should come as no surprise – was one of the most emotionally taxing days in my twenty years in public service. And I want to tell you about it.

Getting Ready for a Long Battle
I arrive in the office and have a few minutes to check in with my health care team before my first meeting. Today is clearly going to be big – the Republicans are intent on bringing their mystery “skinny” health care repeal amendment to the floor for a vote. Their plan is to pass a scaled-down version of their repeal bill to use as a vehicle to get to a conference committee where they can write the actual bill with the House of Representatives. That way, if the whole repeal enterprise fails, they can share the blame with the House.

My team is busy drafting amendments that we can offer to the bill. I have been one of the chief agitators in our caucus for a very robust amendment process on the floor once the Republicans offer their plan. I feel like we need to go down fighting, and that by offering hundreds of amendments, we might actually improve the bill if one or two passes, or at the very least, make clear the differences between the two parties on critical health care questions people care about.

Some other Democratic Senators disagree with this strategy – especially because it could entail the Senate staying in session and voting for hours upon hours – and their staff are beginning to call my staff to pressure us to back off. I quickly gather my senior staff in my office and tell them, “It’s going to be a long day.”

Pessimism
The Democratic Leader, Chuck Schumer, is an unapologetic optimist by nature. But he doesn’t sound confident as he kicks off our lunch meeting. He makes some cryptic comments about his conversations with John McCain, but he says that we need to assume that the Republicans will line up the votes on their “skinny” bill. I eat lunch next to Senator Cory Booker, my close friend and main co-conspirator on the lengthy amendment strategy. He doesn’t look well. “I’m sick as a dog, man. I just got back from the doctor,” he says to me. “Cory, I need you today. We need you.” “I know,” he says. “I’m napping every chance I get so I can be there for the long haul tonight.”

Near the end of the meeting, Bernie Sanders stands up and endorses the robust amendment idea. Schumer catches my eye and gives me a wink, acknowledging that Bernie will be a powerful ally if a fight breaks out within our caucus over late-night strategy. As the meeting winds down, I rush off to a quiet office in the Capitol to tape a segment for the popular “Pod Save America” podcast – I provide a short update on what will likely play out on the floor during the evening.

The Drama Begins
In the early evening, we come to the floor for a series of votes, and we begin to hear the details of what will be in the “skinny” repeal bill. It’s a disaster. A full repeal of the individual mandate, resulting in 16 million losing coverage because of resulting rate spikes, and a full defunding of Planned Parenthood. At 5:30 pm, three Republicans, including John McCain, hold a hastily arranged press conference to announce that they will not vote for the skinny bill unless they get assurances from the House that the bill will not become law. They want a guarantee that there will actually be a conference committee. I type out a tweet, “Seriously, this is weapons grade bonkers. 3 Senators just announced they will vote for repeal only if assured it will never become law.” By the end of the day, that tweet will have been viewed 1 million times.

Now that the outline of the skinny bill is known, Schumer calls us in for an emergency caucus meeting. He wants to decide what our strategy is if their bill succeeds. Jeff Merkley, Bernie Sanders and I make the case for the long amendment process. I explain that we cannot expect the American people to fight against this reckless law if we don’t fight inside the Senate. My colleagues have heard me give this speech a half dozen times. I’m worried I sound like a broken record. But I believe what I’m saying, and it seems like our side is winning most of the room.

Suddenly, one of Schumer’s aides rushes up to him to show him something on his iPhone. Schumer then reads to us Speaker Ryan’s statement in which he gives only a half-assurance that the House will move to a conference committee if the Senate passes the skinny bill. Senator Brian Schatz of Hawaii, another of my closest friends in the Senate, jumps up and declares that a bunch of us need to go to the Senate floor immediately and make it clear that Ryan is not going to grant a conference – that the House is likely to simply pass the Senate bill. A group of us leave the meeting and rush to the floor. I give a speech about the bill and how it essentially amounts to health care arson, lighting our entire system on fire. I also talk about the process and how far we’ve strayed from how the Senate, supposedly the “world’s greatest deliberative body,” should operate. I end by saying that this isn’t why we all came here. No one gets elected to the Senate to vote for a bill they hope won’t become law because it’s such a humanitarian catastrophe. But that’s exactly what seems to be happening right now.

The Home Stretch
At around 10:00 pm, McConnell finally formally introduces the skinny bill, and schedules the vote on it in two hours. Senator Patty Murray, who is managing the floor debate for Democrats, comes over to me and asks if I will kick off the Democrats’ argument against the bill. It’s a real nice honor, and I wonder if I got the nod because Patty, a strong ally of mine in the Senate, remembers all those days in 2013 and 2014 when I was the lonely senator on the floor defending the Affordable Care Act. As I rise to speak, I look around and realize that most all of my colleagues are present and in their seats. It’s actually rare to speak to a Senate chamber full of senators, and it gives me instant butterflies. I just decide to go for it – pull no punches. I call the process “an embarrassment”. I call the bill “health care system arson”. I leave it all on the floor, and I feel good about it.

Social media is such a key organizing and communication tool, and I’ve made a major commitment to use it as a way to make the legislative process as transparent as possible. As soon as my speech is done, I run across the street to hold a Facebook Live session with my followers. Thousands of people instantly tune in – by the end of the night, 40,000 people have seen part of the livestream. I give an update on the debate, answer a few questions, and then head back to the Capitol.

On my way, I stop at the rally that is ongoing outside the Senate. It’s now 11:00 pm, and the crowd is still over a hundred. I tell them that our chances don’t seem great tonight, but they need to keep up the fight.

The Final Vote
I meet again with my staff to go over amendments. All the Senators who attended the 5:30 pm press conference are now leaning yes on the bill, except for McCain, who hasn’t said much lately. But we all expect that McCain will be strong-armed like the rest, and so we need to have our amendments ready. Senator Merkley and I huddle to talk about strategy. We’re ready for the long haul.

At 11:55 pm, I rush over to the Russell Senate Office Building for a quick appearance on MSNBC. I only make it in time for about 30 seconds of air time with Brian Williams before his show ends. My shortest cable appearance of my Senate career. I get in the elevator to head down to the basement to walk back through the underground tunnel to the Capitol. My elevator reaches the basement at the same time as the other elevator in the bank.

Off that elevator steps my friend Senator John McCain. It’s exactly midnight.

“Murph!” he yells, and swats me on the back. Someday, I’ll get to tell my grandkids what he said next. We didn’t talk long – he shot off like an arrow with his coterie of staff. But I will remember the moment for the rest of my life, a reminder of why there is no one else in politics, and there will never ever again be anyone in politics, like John McCain. The original Maverick. A man with a sense of dignity and purpose that is all too rare nowadays in public life.

I walk onto the Senate floor just behind John. He goes over to Senator Schumer and they talk briefly. John then finds the Assistant Republican leader John Cornyn, and they have a short, tense conversation. McCain then goes to his seat. And sits.

I text my wife. “Turn on C-SPAN. Something is about to happen you need to see.”

McCain sits alone for a while, and then the visits begin. First, it’s his Arizona colleague Jeff Flake. Then Vice President Pence enters the chamber and approaches McCain. I stand on the other side of the floor with Patty Murray, just watching. All the while, as various figures come to try to persuade McCain, he is flanked by his best friend, Lindsay Graham, and Alaska Senator Lisa Murkowski, one of the two firm “no” votes on the bill (for all the focus on McCain’s heroic vote, it is Lisa Murkowski and Susan Collins, who were iconoclastic “no” votes all along, who will go down as the original heroes).

Time seems to stand still. And finally, the vote is called. The clerk slowly runs through the roll. Collins and Murkowski vote no. When McCain’s name is called, he isn’t in the chamber. The suspense builds. Then he enters the chamber again, walks to the clerk’s desk, puts up his hand to be recognized, and gives the thumbs down sign. A loud, audible gasp erupts from the floor and the gallery. Schumer, from his seat up front, shushes everyone urgently.

The last few votes trickle in, and the presiding officer, Senator David Perdue from Georgia, announces the vote. 49 Yes. 51 No. The amendment fails. McConnell promptly rises and pulls the bill from consideration.

It’s over.
McConnell gives a speech. Schumer gives a speech (which is excellent – watch it if you can). And we adjourn. Perdue comes down from the dais and walks over to me. “You ready to work together, Chris?” he asks. “You bet,” I say.

I walk back out to the rally and thank the crowd for sticking with us. Everyone is exuberant, and they should be. “Reports of democracy’s death were greatly exaggerated, huh?” I tell them, borrowing a line from my favorite Connecticut satirist Mark Twain.

I walk back to the office with David Bonine, my legislative director, and Joe Dunn, my longtime health staffer. It’s 2:00 am.

There are so many days when you wonder whether a career in public service is worth it. All the frustration, the personal attacks, the gridlock – it often makes you wonder whether there’s a better way to spend your life.

And then a day comes like today. A day when out of darkness, something truly amazing happens. It’s days like that, all too few and far between, that keep you coming back, to try and try and try again.


P.S. Last night’s victory was emotional, but we have a long fight ahead. I am up for re-election now and I know the White House would like a shot at this seat. But with your support, I’ll be ready for anything they throw our way. Chip in $3 to my re-election today: https://chrismurphy.com/reelection

Tell all Senators to vote NO on the AHCA

Women's March banner with logo

Yesterday, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was forced to delay the vote on health care until after the July 4 recess thanks to the demands and pressures of the people. While a delay on the vote is a small victory, now is not the time to be complacent. It’s time to crank up the outrage and tell all Senators to vote NO on the AHCA.

Keep telling your ACA stories. Tell your senators how the AHCA will impact YOU. Call and tweet. We’ll be retweeting and reposting you all week. Thanks to your work, #HowTheACASavedMyLife has reached more than 100 million people in just two days.

Share your #HowTheACASavedMyLife Story on Twitter

The AHCA is a disaster for ALL communities, but more so for women and people of color who are already disproportionately impacted by access to health care. A bill designed by wealthy white men, for wealthy white men, will only further marginalize disenfranchised communities. We need all hands on deck to defeat this bill. Our friends at Indivisible are calling on people to start planning for July 4th recess actions. Join them!

Together, we can and will fight this bill. We won’t stop until TrumpCare is defeated.

Use Indivisible's Stop Trump Toolkit

The Women’s March network has kept the heat on members of Congress all year to protect our health care. Today, Women’s March Connecticut and partners will line the sidewalks at the Yale New Haven Hospital, building a human bridge to the largest employer in the state and a critical cornerstone for quality health care and necessary biomedical research in Connecticut and the nation. They will be distributing pink surgical gloves and masks to symbolize our support for Planned Parenthood, and encouraging attendees, in the spirit of the Women’s March Unity Principles, to write aspirational messages of the health care system that we want as Americans, rather than simply in opposition to the AHCA.

Keep showing up for your local events, rallies & protests – YOU are making a difference!

In solidarity,
Women’s March

Tell these senators your ACA story #HowTheACASavedMyLife

Now is the time to tell our senators #HowTheACASavedMyLife
Lives are on the line #HowTheACASavedMyLife
Action Network
Sent via Action Network, a free online toolset anyone can use to organize. Click here to sign up and get started building an email list and creating online actions today.

Medicaid Eligibility and benefits

Medicaid Eligibility and benefits

As of 2013, Medicaid is a program intended for those with low income, but a low income is not the only requirement to enroll in the program. Eligibility is categorical—that is, to enroll one must be a member of a category defined by statute; some of these categories include low-income children below a certain wage, pregnant women, parents of Medicaid-eligible children who meet certain income requirements, and low-income seniors. The details of how each category is defined vary from state to state.

People with disabilities who do not have a work history and who receive Supplemental Security Income, or SSI, are enrolled in Medicaid as a mechanism to provide them with health insurance. Persons with a disability, including blindness or physical disability, deafness, or mental illness can apply for SSI. However, in order to be enrolled, applicants must prove that they are disabled to the point of being unable to work. In recent years, a substantial liberalization occurred in the field of individual disability income insurance, which provides benefits when an insured person is unable to work because of illness or injury (HIAA, pg.13).

Some states operate a program known as the Health Insurance Premium Payment Program (HIPP). This program allows a Medicaid recipient to have private health insurance paid for by Medicaid. As of 2008 relatively few states had premium assistance programs and enrollment was relatively low. Interest in this approach remained high, however.[6]

Included in the Social Security program under Medicaid are dental services. These dental services are optional for adults above the age of 21; however, this service is a requirement for those eligible for Medicaid and below the age of 21.[7][clarification needed] Minimum services include pain relief, restoration of teeth, and maintenance for dental health. Early and Periodic Screening, Diagnostic and Treatment (EPSDT) is a mandatory Medicaid program for children that aims to focus on prevention, early diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions.[7] Oral screenings are not required for EPSDT recipients, and they do not suffice as a direct dental referral. If a condition requiring treatment is discovered during an oral screening, the state is responsible for taking care of this service, regardless of whether or not it is covered on that particular Medicaid plan.

Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act (ObamaCare)

2015 Medicaid expansion by state.

  Expanding Medicaid
  Not expanding Medicaid
  Still debating Medicaid expansion

The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, passed in 2010, would have revised and expanded Medicaid eligibility starting in 2014. Under the law as written, states that wished to participate in the Medicaid program would be required to allow people with income up to 133% of the poverty line to qualify for coverage, including adults without dependent children. The federal government would pay 100% of the cost of Medicaid eligibility expansion in 2014, 2015, and 2016; 95% in 2017, 94% in 2018, 93% in 2019, and 90% in 2020 and all subsequent years.[13]

However, the Supreme Court ruled in NFIB v. Sebelius that this provision of the ACA was coercive, and that the federal government must allow states to continue at pre-ACA levels of funding and eligibility if they chose. Several states have opted to reject the expanded Medicaid coverage provided for by the act; over half of the nation’s uninsured live in those states. They include Texas, Florida, Kansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi.[14] As of May 24, 2013 a number of states had not made final decisions, and lists of states which have opted out or were considering opting out varied,[15][16] but Alaska,[16] Idaho,[17] South Dakota,[17] Nebraska,[15]Wisconsin,[17] Maine,[17] North Carolina,[17] South Carolina,[17] and Oklahoma[17] seemed to have decided to reject expanded coverage.[17]

Several factors are associated with states’ decisions to accept or reject Medicaid expansion in accordance with the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. Partisan composition of state governments is the most significant factor, with states led primarily by Democrats tending to expand Medicaid and states led primarily by Republicans tending to reject expansion.[18]Other important factors include the generosity of the Medicaid program in a given state prior to 2010, spending on elections by health care providers, and the attitudes people in a given state tend to have about the role of government and the perceived beneficiaries of expansion.[19][20]

The federal government will pay 100 percent of defined costs for certain newly eligible adult Medicaid beneficiaries in “Medicaid Expansion” states.[21][22] The NFIB v. Sebelius ruling, effective January 1, 2014, allows Non-Expansion states to retain the program as it was before January 2014.

As of January 2014, confirmed opting out states include Alabama, Alaska, Florida, Georgia, Idaho, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia & Wisconsin. States opting in after 2014 are Indiana & Pennsylvania.[23] On July 17, 2015, Governor Bill Walker sent a letter to the Alaskan state legislature, providing the required 45-day notice of his intention to accept the expansion of Medicaid in Alaska.[24]

States may bundle together the administration of Medicaid with other programs such as the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), so the same organization that handles Medicaid in a state may also manage the additional programs. Separate programs may also exist in some localities that are funded by the states or their political subdivisions to provide health coverage for indigents and minors.

State participation in Medicaid is voluntary; however, all states have participated since 1982 when Arizona formed its Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System (AHCCCS) program. In some states Medicaid is subcontracted to private health insurance companies, while other states pay providers (i.e., doctors, clinics and hospitals) directly. There are many services that can fall under Medicaid and some states support more services than other states. The most provided services are intermediate care for mentally handicapped, prescription drugs and nursing facility care for under 21-year-olds. The least provided services include institutional religious (non-medical) health care, respiratory care for ventilator dependent and PACE (inclusive elderly care).[30]

Most states administer Medicaid through their own programs. A few of those programs are listed below:

As of January 2012, Medicaid and/or CHIP funds could be obtained to help pay employer health care premiums in Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Colorado, Florida, and Georgia.

Comparisons with Medicare

Unlike Medicaid, Medicare is a social insurance program funded at the federal level[39] and focuses primarily on the older population. As stated in the CMS website,[40]Medicare is a health insurance program for people age 65 or older, people under age 65 with certain disabilities, and (through the End Stage Renal Disease Program) people of all ages with end-stage renal disease. The Medicare Program provides a Medicare part A which covers hospital bills, Medicare Part B which covers medical insurance coverage, and Medicare Part D which covers prescription drugs.

Medicaid is a program that is not solely funded at the federal level. States provide up to half of the funding for the Medicaid program. In some states, counties also contribute funds. Unlike the Medicare program, Medicaid is a means-tested, needs-based social welfare or social protection program rather than a social insurance program. Eligibility is determined largely by income. The main criterion for Medicaid eligibility is limited income and financial resources, a criterion which plays no role in determining Medicare coverage. Medicaid covers a wider range of health care services than Medicare.

Some people are eligible for both Medicaid and Medicare and are known as Medicare dual eligibles.[41] In 2001, about 6.5 million Americans were enrolled in both Medicare and Medicaid. In 2013, approximately 9 million people qualified for Medicare and Medicaid